STAR COMMENT: Daphne’s father on the Mafia state that killed his daughter

Indications are that the 2017 general election was brought forward, and the planned assassination postponed to a date after that election, which the PN was set to lose, specifically to a date after the PN leadership election that put Adrian Delia at the party helm, with the consequent meltdown that put the party, and so the basis of organised anti-government opposition, in complete disarray.

In brief:

• SLAPP was mooted by Henley and Partners to silence Daphne Caruana Galizia and was agreed to by Prime Minister Joseph Muscat and Justice Minister Owen Bonnici back in November 2016.
• In November 2016, when speaking to Daphne Caruana Galizia, Chris Kaelin let slip that a general election was in the offing.
• In February 2017, Ali Sadr of Pilatus Bank actually initiated SLAPP action in Arizona, USA against Daphne Caruana Galizia, but then failed to notify her of said action as her home address in Malta was said to be not known. The process was kept on hold.
• In February 2017, as revealed by the Daphne Project subsequent to the assassination, Daphne Caruana Galizia was handed an ElectroGas 750,000 e-file cache, from which it results that Electrogas was overpaying SOCAR Euro 40,000,000 per year for LNG fuel under an 18 year contract signed by Minister Konrad Mizzi. Out of that excess amount OPM Chief of Staff Keith Schembri and Minister Konrad Mizzi each to be paid Euro 2,500,000 each year in kickbacks into their hitherto secret proxy held bank accounts in tax havens, via 17 Black company 100% owned by Yorgen Fenech – a director and shareholder in Electrogas. A third similar kickback is payable to a third formerly secret company, the owner of which is still unknown.
• The PN led by Simon Busuttil was fully geared to, and actually did, call out huge protest crowds onto the streets.
• Early in April, and well before the Egrant ownership report, the Partit Laburista registered its campaign slogan and website in preparation for the general election.
• Action to silence Daphne Caruana Galizia remained on hold.
• Following the general election in June 2017, Simon Busuttil resigned the PN leadership opening the way for a preliminary round in the election of a new leader at end July, with Adrian Delia emerging as likely new leader. In late September 2017, Adrian Delia was confirmed as Leader.
• The alleged executors of the murder purchased new SIM cards late 2016/early 2017.
• The three SIM cards were activated in mid-August: three weeks after the preliminary PN election results became known and when the PN is already in serious disarray.
• Daphne Caruana Galizia was assassinated three weeks after Adrian Delia was confirmed as leader of a party then divided, in complete disarray, losing members wholesale – totally unable to organise any form of public protest or any form of opposition and so assuring the absence of ‘unwarranted attention and resistance’ within which the assassination could proceed.
• Within 12 hours from time of assassination, Ali Sadr withdrew the SLAPP action.
• 24 hours before the assassination team took up their positions in Bidnija, Prime Minister Joseph Muscat attending a publicity event in the company of Minister Chris Cardona, suddenly went sheet white and fainted. No report was issued on the incident.
• PN Leader Adrian Delia on being informed of the assassination, drove to PN headquarters, where he then made sure of availability of a sofa upon which he then proceeded to swoon.
• Shortly after the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia, Prime Minister Joseph Muscat felt confident enough to stand up in Parliament and declare “Business as usual”.

Further conclusions may be drawn from the actions and inactions, subsequent to the assassination, by government, by the police, by the judiciary and by all relevant state bodies.